Saturday, October 29, 2011

Zwingli’s Early Anabaptist Convictions: History or Mythology?


“Zwingli’s Early Anabaptist Convictions: History or Mythology?” - Brian Brewer, Truett Theological Seminary

Dr. Brewer’s paper addressed a concern that, though well known in Anabaptist research circles, remains to be ignored generally in broader historical circles. The traditional historiography has been that Zwingli’s position remained constant and he was a cooler head offering the Reformed position against the radicals who would eventually break from the civic reform. Brewer’s thesis was that historians have failed to research further into Zwingli’s nascent baptismal theology. In the same vein, they ignore Anabaptist accounts of Zwingli’s perspective.
            The Hutterite Chronicle gives an account from the Anabaptist perspective that reveals that the radicals of the Grebel circle felt as though they had been mislead by their former teacher. Their perception was that Zwingli agreed with them early on in their position against paedobaptism. However, Zwingli did not pursue the course of reforming the church in regards to that sacrament but yielded to the social concern of not fomenting civil unrest.
            The question must be raised of whether the Hutterite Chronicle accurately portrays Zwingli’s early baptismal theology. Other sources must be called into consideration. There were two Tuesday meetings held with the Grebel circle concerning the question of Baptism the December before the January 1525 rebaptisms in the house of Felix Mantz. Clearly by this time Zwingli and the radicals had parted ways.
            Earlier, Mantz had demanded that written arguments be made so that there would be no confusion over the positions held by each party. The usual perception of this fact was that Mantz was calling up for a debate but other testimony from Mantz suggests a different motivation. Mantz said that he “knew full well” that Zwingli believed that baptism should be an ordinance reserved only for those who could confess faith. At another place, he says, “I am sure” that Zwingli shared their understanding but he could not figure out why Zwingli would not openly express that shared understanding. That being the case, it would then seem that Mantz called upon Zwingli to commit his ideas to paper not so that they may serve as a source of debate but rather so that they could have a record in writing that Zwingli had actually rejected paedobaptism, even if he was reticent to admit it.
            In the case of Hübmaier, as is well known, there is the account of a conversation during which he and Zwingli discussed baptism. Hübmaier pointed toward specific, such as  the exact place, date and who else was there as testimony that he was not incorrectly remembering that Zwingli had doubted paedobaptism. Though these testimonies certainly indicate that Zwingli had doubted infant baptism, it must be assented that these come from the pens of those whose own position would benefit from the claim. Can we find evidence of that same doubt in Zwingli’s nascent baptismal theology?
            In an early sermon, Zwingli indicated that parents in Zürich had already begun to withhold their children from baptism. To them he gave in that sermon the assurance that without baptism they need not fear that their children be damned. Also, Zwingli’s January 1523 67 Theses ended with a final thesis indicating other issues that were intended to become part of the later development of his reform program. Included in this were the tithe and the issue of baptism, on which he called anyone curious to come speak to him privately. This indicates that a reform of baptism was an issue he intended to address as the reformation progressed and also that he was not yet ready to make his still tenuous stance publicly known. The change on the issue of baptism did not come until later and he would then state, “I myself was deceived,” but he claimed to have not been as dogmatic as those who would later institute credobaptism.
            What then was the cause for Zwingli to abandon the inklings of anti-paedobaptism in favor of a staunch paedobaptism position? Brewer suggested that soon after the Spring of 1523, during which the last sign of anti-paedobaptism is evident by the conversation with Hübmaier, came an outbreak of iconoclasm. The iconoclastic controversy had a significant effect, which was that Zwingli was forced to reconsider the pace of the reforms he was instituting. The same effect motivated the town council, who would in response call for slower reforms. The radical’s break with Zwingli, in contrast with the traditional historiography, was not because he wouldn’t change his baptismal position but precisely because he did.
Brewer’s provided an excellent narrative for understanding the events and the evidence for Zwingli’s positions at various points of time. He is successful in defending the thesis that the break between Zwingli and the Grebel group was not because the latter could not convince to Zwingli to come to their position but rather because Zwingli had given in to the exigencies of the situation and to the council’s demands by having gone back on the trajectory on which his earlier theology ran.
Some questions remain, however. The first is that Brewer assigned the iconoclastic controversy the role of catalyst in shifting Zwingli’s baptismal theology back in line with the received tradition. Is that event the event that sparked Zwingli’s change? That event was only the first significant event between the Spring of 1523 and the Autumn of 1524 that could have been such a catalyst. Two possibilities remain. In that period of almost a year and a half, there could have been other events that could have redirected Zwingli’s theology. Also, the span of time is long enough to credit the change to further theological reflection not guided by any identifiable event.
Second, if the outbreak of iconoclasm and the resulting desire for slower reforms a sufficient explanation for the change in Zwingli’s position. According to Brewer’s narrative, that controversy led to the call for slower reforms but the break with the Grebel circle was not over the speed by which reforms would be instituted but rather the content of those reforms. The Grebel circle was not merely impatient in waiting for Zwingli to change baptismal practice but they recognized that Zwingli opposed any change of baptismal practice at any pace. So, while Brewer’s presentation answers the question of why Zwingli would have reconsidered the timing of baptismal reform, it did not answer why he changed his position altogether.

Friday, October 28, 2011

Erasmus and Bucer on the Radical Reformation


“Erasmus and Bucer on the Radical Reformation.” - Laurel Carrington, St. Olaf College

Carrington’s paper essentially compares the differences between Erasmus’ and Bucer’s attitudes toward the radicals. Erasmus had expressed disappointment with the variance in the handling of heretics by those who followed him. Though Bucer and the general attitude of the Strassbourg reformation that was more lenient toward heretics, Erasmus was unwilling to deny the tradition of executing heretics.
The radicals were fissiparous and thus unsettling to society. So, capital punishment seemed appropriate to Erasmus. Bucer, in contrast, recognized that the radicals were in heresy but they did not commit any grievous sins warranting civil punishment. Further, they, like the mainstream reformers, sought Scripture as the source of their theology. While the radicals may have been mistaken in their reading of Scripture, they were open to being rebuked by Scripture and were not obstinate against it.
Erasmus did not find any scriptural prohibition of executing heretics. However, though he refused to be as lenient as Bucer by preferring exile to execution, Erasmus conceded that rulers must not be too hasty in handing down verdicts resulting in the sentence of execution. Regardless, the right of the radicals were limited for having separating themselves from the church. They, along with any other heretics, did not have the Spirit, whose home is among the unity and concord of the church. Having thus defined the radicals to be outside of the Christian society, Erasmus did not seem to have strongly insisted that they were fully worthy of preservation.

New Perspectives in Bucer’s Attitudes towards the Radicals


Disclaimer: Any inaccuracies in the following report are due to the nature of presenting papers. Below is represents with the greatest attempt for accuracy but there is not text available for review. Points of uncertainty in the author’s ideas will be evident in how I represent them.

“New Perspectives in Bucer’s Attitudes towards the Radicals.” - Stephen Buckwalter, Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaft

            Stephen Buckwalter’s presentation began with an overview of editorial concerns of involved with the new critical edition of Bucer’s works. In regards to Bucer’s polemic against the Anabaptists, He addressed matters of layout with the works against Pilgram Marpeck, the Marburg Anabaptists and Bernhard Rothmann. The original publication against Marpeck’s Confession was laid out by having two columns. The layout placed Marpeck’s points, to which Bucer added numbers, next Bucer’s replies to each point. The previous critical edition to the new laid the whole exchange in one column, Marpeck’s articles being followed by Bucer’s reply. The trouble with this was that it at times made it difficult to tell who was author at any single point. The new edition sought to revert back to the original two-columned layout in order to preserve coherency.
            The polemic against the Marburg Anabaptists differed in that it was not an imaginary dialogue in the traditional way that the polemic against Marpeck had been. Rather, it was a reflection of actual dialogues that had taken place. This was also a point-by-point response, but the origin of this as a true dialogue required a one-columned format, for the debate had actually occurred in time. The polemic against Rothmann was not point-by-point, so the question did not arise.
Following the discussion of these editorial concerns, Buckwalter investigated similarities and differences between Bucer and the radicals, primarily Marpeck. Both had a high view of a singular covenant, Marpeck using the term bundt Thirty-three times in his confession and Bucer replying with twenty-two instances. For Marpeck, the bundt was of a good conscience toward God while Bucer’s emphasis was on the unity of the covenant through both Testaments as the covenant with Abraham.
The central theological departure that they made form each other was on the intersection of civic and ecclesial life. Bucer insisted on the external structure of the church as an institution with civil support. Marpeck, on the other hand, viewed the church as an invisible reality. The church was not merely a civic community’s religious life but further a gathering of those committed to discipleship.

Thursday, October 27, 2011

Knowing God through Dreams: Thomas Muentzer on Dream Revelations


“Knowing God through Dreams: Thomas Muentzer on Dream Revelations.” - Michael G. Baylor, Lehigh University

            Dreams were a usual component of literature in the reformation, but for Thomas Müntzer, dreams were not a way to progress a narrative. Baylor’s thesis was that, for Müntzer, dreams were an important path to knowledge of God. This can be seen in his sermon to the princes and his commentary on Ezekiel (he may have said, “Daniel”). Dreams were not only a part of the everyday phenomena of life but were part of spiritual activity. Some indeed were normal, but others were of God while yet others were of Satan.
For Müntzer, for one to have revelatory dreams, one must be in the right state of heart. For one to know that a dream is revelatory, it must meet certain criteria. The criteria included that the Christian must be separated in mind and heart from all temporality in accordance with the doctrine of gelassenheit. Further, the dream must be full of allegorical imagery. That imagery would in turn be interpreted by Scripture, which would act as a key to unlocking the meaning of the allegorical imagery. Another criterion was that the dream must be vividly remembered as opposed to the phantasmal transience most dreams have in the memory.

The Spirit of the Prophets: Ludwig Haetzer on Scripture and the Voice of the Spirit


Disclaimer: Any inaccuracies in the following report are due to the nature of presenting papers. Below is represents with the greatest attempt for accuracy but there is not text available for review. Points of uncertainty in the author’s ideas will be evident in how I represent them.

“The Spirit of the Prophets: Ludwig Haetzer on Scripture and the Voice of the Spirit.” - Geoffrey Dipple, Augustana College

Dipple’s paper sought to answer several questions concerning the development of Ludwig Hätzer’s thought. He observed that Hätzer’s earliest theology reflected the Biblicism of Zürich but later moved toward the Spiritualist theology for which he is known. The main period of development was from 1523 to late 1527, shortly following the publication of his and Denck’s translation of the Old Testament from Hebrew.
            An early emphasis in Hätzer’s activity was the matter of God’s forbidding of graven imagery. In the controversy over whether images could be allowed in the church, Hätzer’s polemic intentionally sought a scriptural foundation Further, the strong body/spirit dichotomy that was characteristics of the Spiritualists was not evident. Despite this attempt to firmly ground this early polemic on Scripture, Hätzer gradually manifested a greater reliance on direct revelation from God than on revelation mediated through Scripture.
            What then was the impetus for this move? Dipple pointed toward Hätzer’s stay in Auspitz, during which he would come under the influence of Karlstadt. Karlstadt had also entered into controversy against the evangelical reformers on the matter of imagery in the church. I believe Dipple was making the point that both Hätzer and to a lesser degree Karlstadt utilized Spiritualistic arguments as an additional resource to the scriptural arguments, for Scripture served as a resource to both the evangelicals and the radicals.
            More evident was the influence of Karlstadt’s doctrine of gelassenheit. That yieldedness was formulated as a spiritual type of discipleship. The direct spirituality of gelassenheit would extend into Hätzer’s doctrinal formulations, both in respect to revelation and to the sacraments. An essential resource for identifying Hätzer’s concept of the spirit is his translation of the Hebrew ruach. Hätzer’s translation of the word in the varying instances displayed a greater complexity than previous translations.

Thursday, October 20, 2011

Sixteenth-Century Society and Conference


The Sixteenth Century Society and Conference is coming to Fort Worth, Texas from Thu. Oct. 27 to Sun. Oct. 30. There will be a few papers on the Radical Reformation presented. So, for those unable to pay the $93 cover charge or unable to travel to dear old Ft. Worth, I will be giving updates on primary theses & arguments of these papers.

The panels I intend on attending with the relevant papers to be read in those panels will follow, although my participation may change. Also, I may not be present on Sunday if I can get tickets to the game in Houston, who will be playing my hometown team even if all I can bring for them is a misplaced hope.

Thursday 1:30-3:00
Paths to Knowing God in the Reformation
“The Spirit of the Prophets: Ludwig Haetzer on Scripture and the Voice of the Spirit.” - Geoffrey Dipple, Augustana College
“Knowing God through Dreams: Thomas Muentzer on Dream Revelations.” - Michael G. Baylor, Lehigh University

Thursday 3:30-5:00, I will attend one of these three panels
Rereading Critical Reformation Texts: Luther, Calvin, and Tyndale
Forgotten Reformer and Their (Almost) Forgotten Texts
Editing Martin Bucer, Then and Now

Thursday 6:30-7:30
Society for Reformation Research Roundtable: Holy Lands/Sacral Places/ Sacred Spaces in the Early Modern Period

Friday 8:30-10:00, I will attend either
In Memoriam Robert Kingdon: Criminality and Calvinism in Geneva and France
Protestant Perspectives on Prophecy in Sixteenth-Century Europe
or perhaps sneak over for one paper titled, “Suffering as Consolation: Thomas Müntzer, Martin Luther, and the Truth Crisis of the Early Reformation.” Vince Evener, University of Chicago Divinity School

Friday 10:30-12:00
Martin Bucer and the Radicals
“New Perspectives in Bucer’s Attitudes towards the Radicals.” - Stephen Buckwalter, Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaft
“Erasmus and Bucer on the Radical Reformation.” - Laurel Carrington, St. Olaf College
“A Most Faulty Theologian: Spiritualism and Reform in the Careers of Bucer and Franck.” - Patrick Hayden-Roy, Nebraska Wesleyan University

Friday 1:30-3:00, one of these
The Implementation of Social & Religious Reform in Early Modern Europe
Early Modern Ecclesiologies
New Approaches to the Scandinavian Reformations
Defining Tradition: Early Modern Conceptions of Tradition

Friday 3:30-5:00
Radical Theologies from Different Perspectives
“Zwingli’s Early Anabaptist Convictions: History or Mythology?” - Brian Brewer, Truett Theological Seminary
“Preaching the ‘Gospel of All Creatures’: The Radical Christology of Hans Hut.” - Marvin Anderson, University of Toronto
and I’ll have to see if I can in some way access a presentation at another panel, “Philip Melanchthon and the ‘Raving Anabaptists’: The End of Moderation.” - Rebecca Peterson, University of Mary Hardin-Baylor

Friday 6:00-7:00
“Contending with Idols: Reformation, Revolutions, Miracles, and the Disenchantment of History.” - Carlos Eire, Yale University

Saturday 8:30-10:00 either
Tales of Turning: Conversion Narratives in Early Modern England
Promise and Fulfillment in Reformed Theology
Forms of English Theology in the Early Modern Period

Saturday 10:30-12:00
Christian Life in Light of Scripture: Luther and Lutheran Perspectives

Saturday 1:30-3:00
Protestant Non-Conformity and Dissent
“Dissenting across Borders: The Development of a Transnational ‘Mennonite’ Identity among Swiss Brethren and Dutch Doopsgezinden in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.” - Troy Osborne, Bluffton University

Saturday 3:30-5:00 either
Uses of the Fathers in Early Modern Theologies
Luther in Conversation with Other Thinkers and Churches
In Memoriam Robert Kingdon: Marriage in the Reformation

So, we’ll see which ones of these I’ll make it to and I will try to post updates as they come along.

Friday, September 30, 2011

Recent Trends in Anabaptist Scholarship


This post is a descriptive update to Troy Osborne’s 2007 article and John Roth’s 2002 article on recent trends in Anabaptist studies.1 There have been several threads in Anabaptist scholarship that have recently received heightened attention. Most notable is the volume of work being dedicated to two Anabaptist figures: Balthasar Hübmaier and Pilgram Marpeck.

The swell in Hübmaier scholarship is perhaps largely due to a continued byproduct of the 1989 publication of a new translation of the Hübmaier corpus.2 Also, recent interest has come from Baptists, finding a predecessor to their own confessional stance in Hübmaier more than in other Reformation theologians. Since 1999, 10 doctoral dissertations have been written on Hübmaier. 3 Furthermore, in the editorial preface to the January 2010 edition of the Mennonite Quarterly Review, Roth noted that Hübmaier’s full impact on the Anabaptist movement merited further investigation after years of Hübmaier studies having been marginalized by Mennonite scholarship. The bulk of that edition contained articles on Hübmaier. 4

The recent attention paid to Marpeck has, I believe, two points of origin. One has been the significant biography by Klaassen and Klassen. 5 The other has been the publication of new sources on Marpeck and his “circle.”6 This has resulted in a conference on “Anabaptist Convictions after Marpeck” at Bluffton University, June 25-28, 2009 and an issue of the Mennonite Quarterly Review being dedicated to Marpeck studies in January 2011.

Another trend is the study of the use of patristic literature among the Anabaptists. Much of the came to the fore in a 2005 issue of Mennonite Life, 7 but some groundwork had been laid before. 8 Other works have continued this investigation, 9 especially that of Andrew P. Klager,10 and further work will likely come out of this.

This leaves open certain questions that remain to be made, including more specifically which authors used patristic sources and in what situations. Were Anabaptists more likely to include patristic citations in debate with opponents for who the fathers held authority? Did they appeal to the fathers when writing pastorally to their congregations?

1Troy Osborne. “New Directions in Anabaptist Studies,” MQR 81, no. 1 (Jan. 2007): 43-47.; John D. Roth, “Recent Currents in the Historiography of the Radical Reformation,” Church History 71 (Sep. 2002): 527-529. Osborne includes the proscriptive call for a new generation of confessional Anabaptist scholars to approach the subject in keeping with the concept of an Anabaptist vision, however recognizing the complexities introduced by the polygenetic model.
2H. Wayne Pipkin and John Howard Yoder, eds., Balthasar Hubmaier: Theologian of Anabaptism, Classics of the Radical Reformation, no. 5 (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1989).
3In chronological order: Emir Caner, “Truth is Unkillable: The Life and Writings of Balthasar Hubmaier, Theologian to the Anabaptists,” Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Arlington, 1999.; Michael Wayne McDill, “The Centrality of the Doctrine of Human Free Will in the Theology of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss., Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2001.; Samuel Byung-doo Nam, “A Comparative Study of the Baptismal Understanding of Augustine, Luther, Zwingli, and Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss. Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2002.; Brian C. Brewer, “A Response to Grace: The Sacramental Theology of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss, Drew University, 2003.; Ernst Theodor Endres, “The View of Balthasar Hubmaier of the Church: A Church-Historical Perspective,” D.D. diss., University of Pretoria, 2003.; Kirk R. MacGregor, “The Sacramental Theology of Balthasar Hubmaier and Its Implications for Theology,” Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 2005.; Darren T. Williamson, “Erasmus of Rotterdam’s Influence upon Anabaptism: The Case of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss., Simon Fraser University, 2005.; Brian David Raymond Cooper, “Human Reason or Reasonable Humanity?: Baltasar Hubmaier, Pilgram Marpeck, and Menno Simons and the Catholic Natural Law Tradition,” Ph.D. diss., University of St. Michael’s College, 2006.; Antonia Lucic Gonzalez, “Balthasar Hubmaier and Early Christian Tradition.” Ph.D. diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, 2008.; Andrew P. Klager, “‘Truth Is Immortal’: Balthasar Hubmaier (c. 1480-1528) and the Church Fathers,” Ph.D. diss, University of Glasgow, 2010.
4The articles were Andrew P. Klager, “Balthasar Hubmaier's Use of the Church Fathers: Availability, Access and Interaction,” 5-65.; Matthew Eaton, “Toward an Anabaptist Covenantal Soteriology: A Dialogue with Balthasar Hubmaier and Contemporary Pauline Scholarship,” 67-93.; Brian C. Brewer, “Radicalizing Luther: How Balthasar Hubmaier (Mis)Read the ‘Father of the Reformation,’” 95-115.; Jonathan R. Seilig, “Johann Fabri's Justification Concerning the Execution of Balthasar Hubmaier,” 117-139.; Kirk R. MacGregor, “Hubmaier's Letter Johannes Sapidus,” 141-146.
Other recent works in this swell: Emir Caner, “Balthasar Hübmaier and His Theological Participation in the Reformation: Ecclesiology and Soteriology,” Faith and Mission 21, no. 1 (Fall 2003): 32-66.; David Funk, “The Relation of Church and State in the Thought of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Didaskalia 17, no. 2 (Wtr. 2006): 37-50.; Andrew P. Klager, “Balthasar Hubmaier and the Authority of the Church Fathers,” Historical Papers 2008: Canadian Society of Church History: Annual Conference, University of British Columbia, 1-3 Jun 2008, 18 (2008).; Kirk R. MacGregor, “Hubmaier’s Concord of Predestination with Free Will,” Direction 35, no. 2 (Fall 2006): 279-299.; Wayne H. Pipkin, Scholar, Pastor, Martyr: The Life and Ministry of Balthasar Hubmaier (Prague: International Baptist Theological Seminary of the European Baptist Federation, 2008).; Martin Rothkegel, “Von der Schönen Madonna zum Scheiterhaufen: Gedenkrede auf Balthasar Hubmaer, Verbrannt am 10 März 1528 in Wien,” Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Österreich 120 (2004): 49-73.; Kurt J. Thompson, “The Proper Candidate: An Examination of the 1525 Debate between Ulrich Zwingli and Balthasar Hubmaier concerning Baptism,” M.A. Thesis, Liberty University, 2009.; Jean Marcel Vincent,  Présentation et traduction du premier écrit anabaptiste: Un Résumé de ce qu’est toute une vie chrétienne (1525) de Balthasar Hubmaier,Études Théologiques et Religieuses 79, no. 1 (2004): 1-18.
5Walter Klaassen and William Klassen. Marpeck: A Life of Dissent and Conformity (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 2008).
6Walter, Klaassen, Werner O. Packull and John Rempel, transls. Later Writings by Pilgram Marpeck and His Circle, Vol. 1. Anabaptist Texts in Translation, Vol. 1 (Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora, 1999).; Heinhold Fast, Gottfried Seebaß and Martin Rothkegel eds. Briefe und Schriften oberdeutscher Täufer, 152701555: Das “Kunstbuch” des Jörg Probst Rotenfelder gen. Maler. (Gütersloh, Germany: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2007), and its English translation: John Rempel ed. Jörg Maler’s Kunstbuch: Writings of the Pilgram Marpeck Circle, Classics of the Radical Reformation, Vol. 12 (Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora, 2010).
7Mennonite Life 60 (Sep. 2005). Articles included B. Royale Dewey, “Making Peace with History: Anabaptism and the Nicene Creed.”; Gerald J. Mast, “Creedal Orthodoxy Is Not Enough: A Response to Ollenburger.”; Ben Ollenburger, “True Evangelical Faith: The Anabaptists and Christian Confession.”; J. Denny Weaver, “Identifying Anabaptist Theology.”
8Irvin Buckwalter Horst, “Menno Simons and the Augustinian Tradition,” MQR 62, no. 4 (Oct. 1988): 419-430. Karl Koop, Anabaptist-Mennonite Confessions of Faith: The Development of a Tradition (Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora, 2003).; Dennis D. Martin, “Menno and Augustine on the Body of Christ,” Fides et Historia 20 (Oct. 1988):41-64. A. James Reimer, “Trinitarian Orthodoxy, Constantinianism and Theology from a Radical Protestant Perspective,” In Faith to Creed, ed. S. Mark Heim (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1991).
9Andy Alexis-Baker, “Anabaptist Use of Patristic Literature and Creeds,” MQR 85, no.3 (July 2011): 477-504.; Geoffrey Dipple, “Just as in the Time of the Apostles”: Uses of History in the Radical Reformation, Kithcener, Ontario: Pandora, 2005.; Antonia Lučić Gonzalez, “Balthasar Hubmaier and Early Christian Tradition,” Ph.D. diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, 2008.
10“Balthasar Hubmaier and the Authority of the Church Fathers,” Historical Papers 2008: Canadian Society of Church History: Annual Conference, University of British Columbia, 1-3 Jun 2008, 18 (2008).; St. Gregory of Nyssa, Anabaptism and the Creeds,” Conrad Grebel Review 26 (Fall 2008): 42-71.; “‘Truth Is Immortal’: Balthasar Hubmaier (c. 1480-1528) and the Church Fathers.” Ph.D. diss, University of Glasgow, 2010.; “Balthasar Hubmaier's Use of the Church Fathers: Availability, Access and Interaction,” MQR 84, no. 1 (Jan. 2010): 5-65.

Friday, September 2, 2011

Review of An Investigation into the Relationship Between the Early English General Baptists and the Dutch Anabaptists, by Goki Saito

Saito, Goki. “An Investigation into the relationship Between the Early English General Baptists and the Dutch Anabaptists.” Ph.D. diss. Louisville, Kentucky, Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1974.

            Saito’s dissertation approached a topic that is still not entirely resolved. The strain of scholarly debate into which he entered, however, has mostly cooled down. The tendency has been for interpreters of early English Baptist history to remain firmly entrenched in their positions, with no significant advance of the conversation having been made since. This dissertation is of vital, even if heretofore not fully recognized, value to the study.
            The initial point of interest is Saito’s overview of the debate up to then. Particularly useful was his investigation into how the narrative of succession came into and was propagated in nineteenth-century histories of the Baptist movement. The introduction of critical historical methods challenged view with the earnest debate beginning in 1930. Summarily, the two sides either found Baptist theological origins in the Waterlander influence or in the Separatist tradition out of which the movement came.
If anything is lacking, Saito could have given greater detail in the overview, but that could be a project that could be brought up to date for contemporary historians currently investigating the same question. Saito’s most keen observation in this section is his conclusion that those taking the positive view (that Baptists derive theologically from the Anabaptists) emphasize the points of agreement between the two group while those of the negative view (that Baptists are better interpreted as an extension of Separatism) emphasize the points of disagreement.
This at once raise the question of pointillizing the various aspects of Waterlander and Early General Baptist belief. This recognition characterizes Saito’s subsequent method. In the following chapters, the method was to investigate the similarities and dissimilarities by comparing articles of faith or other confessional literature in almost an article-by-article fashion, when appropriate to the material being analyzed. Saito could thereby hope to discover the strains of individual theological concepts as they were accepted or rejected by the Waterlanders, Smyth, Helwys, Murton and the Early General Baptists successively. In this way, the moments when differences arose could be identified, thus providing essential data for his project.
Unfortunately, this pointillization creates a rather large set of data that a reader must keep track of, for the conclusion Saito drew were closely dependent on the analysis of continuity of several points of doctrine among several individuals and groups. An appendix outlining in parallel each article, when available, for each group, could have aided comprehension. An organization of this sort would have clarified the streams of thought and given the overall argument greater force.
The essential character, Smyth, is given due reserve. Saito remained aware that an exact conclusion could not be drawn but presented fairly plausible possibilities. Prominently was the fact that Smyth must not have been drawn to believers’ baptism by interaction with the Waterlanders because his se-baptism was performed out of necessity, in Smyth’s mind, on account of the lack of a true church into which to be baptized. It was not until later that Smyth recognized the Waterlanders as a church of like mind.
The period between that baptism of the congregation and the documentable interaction with the Waterlanders was a period of other theological change, but at what point in that period Smyth took on Anabaptist-like teachings might be indiscoverable. For instance, Saito notes, the Arminian tone of General Baptist theology ay have come not from the Waterlanders but from the Smyth congregation’s awareness of the theological debate in Amsterdam that was already in progress when they arrived. Saito leaned more toward an interpretation that credited Smyth’s independent reading of Scripture, not guided by the Waterlanders, as the primary genesis of his doctrine.
As time went on, Smyth did begin to move in a more Anabaptistic direction and he appropriated more of their thought. Helwys rejected this move and he and some followers returned to England. The Helwys congregation, therefore, explicitly denied identification with the Anabaptists; a point not lost on Saito since it was Helwys, not Smyth, who was normative for the continued development of the General Baptist movement. On the other hand, Saito did recognize that the Waterlanders might have indirectly influenced Helwys by his retention of several of Smyth’s teachings. This indirect influence sadly faces the same question as to whether those retained teaching were those developed by Smyth before or after Smyth’s tutelage under the Waterlanders.
Saito then moves onto the thought of Murton as a representative of a next generation of General Baptists. Though notable, this exploration does little to advance Saito’s arguments since it basically operates under the same principle as the analysis of Helwys. The difference is that this analysis is even more indirect, now proceeding through Helwys.
The last topic is a comparison and history of the Waterlanders and the General Baptists in the 1620s. Though only twenty years removed from the Smyth-Helwys split, the movement was distinctly far enough from the Waterlanders that a proposed union would have been unacceptable to the latter. This is revealed by the Tookey group’s exit from the Baptists over the issue of the strictness of discipline. When the Tookey group sought union with the Waterlanders, who themselves departed the Frisian Mennonites over their objection to the latter’s harshness in church discipline, the Waterlanders could not agree to more than “friendly relations” because of the severe disagreements over other issues such as the oath, magistracy and the sword. The Waterlanders could not come into full union with the Tookey group precisely because of the doctrines that were not at issue between Tookey and the rest of the General Baptists, indicating that the General Baptists, sharing those doctrines, were by this time far enough from Waterlanders identity as to prevent full union. Though this conclusion and its significance jumps off the page, Saito did not draw it himself nor even mention Tookey in his recap of the chapter in his conclusion. Rather, he used the debate as a means to cull data with which to compare the teachings of the movements outside of the group’s attitudes toward the teaching of the other.
Having pointillized the analysis, Saito did not give an all-encompassing answer to the question of whether Baptists may rightly be considered part of the Anabaptist heritage, either yes or no. The most he could answer was to show Anabaptist influence on certain points, namely the sacraments, good works, church discipline and eschatology. This is an appropriate reservation to show because it does not presume to overshadow how each group identified its defining characteristics.
Moving forward, we must take that reservation to heart. When trying to identify Baptists as heirs to the Anabaptist tradition, we must remain aware of how each group identifies itself and its theological distinctives. This was readily apparent in the Tookey split. The matters of the magistracy, oath and the sword were not essential enough to prevent fellowship with the Waterlanders, with whom they agreed on issues of the believers’ church, church discipline and scriptural authority, the Waterlanders saw these points as essential enough to their core convictions that they would be part of the characteristics that form the sine qua non of their identity. The Tookey group, without those teachings that the Waterlanders saw to be so essential, could not be taken into fellowship despite their agreement on the issues that the Baptists saw as decisively essential.
If that was true in the early Seventeenth Century, it is more so true today as the groups become more polarized in their understandings of group identity. In the editorial preface to the January 2010 issue of the Mennonite Quarterly Review, John Roth recognized that Hübmaier had not received the deserved study on account of modern Mennonite scholars’ distaste of Hübmaier different opinion on pacifism. By that point in history, pacifism had become such a core conviction of Anabaptist identity that one who would by most other estimation be part of the origins of that tradition would in many ways be ignored.
On the other side, Baptist historians, especially among conservatives, readily accept the teachings of a free church, believers’ church and baptism, scriptural authority and discipline as central identifier of their heritage. Seeing those same characteristics in the Anabaptists, it is no surprise that they would feel a theological kinship and that they would interpret history in a way that would identify themselves as part of a broader movement including Anabaptists. Meanwhile, even though those points are important to Anabaptists generally, they are not the points by which they identify themselves. Therefore, just like the Waterlanders facing the request for fellowship with the Tookey group, Anabaptists can quickly see Baptists as having a distinct identity from them.
This matter of self-identification of core convictions would thus put out of reach any legitimate answer to the question of whether Baptists are Anabaptists. What would thus be more helpful is a clear understanding of the similarities of particulars without providing an answer for the whole. For this, Saito is to be commended for having not given an answer beyond the particulars. As new evidence is inevitably revealed as scholarship on the matter goes forward, it would be helpful to be mindful of Saito’s model of analysis in this direction.

Saturday, August 20, 2011

Review of The Theology of Anabaptism: An Interpretation, by Robert Friedmann


Friedmann, Robert. The Theology of Anabaptism: An Interpretation. Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1973.

Friedmann’s Theology of Anabaptism is a guide toward what he admits is a seeming oxymoron–Anabaptist Theology. The heart of the interpretation he presents is that Anabaptist theology is an implicit theology, unlike the explicit theology of the Protestant Reformers (21). Whereas the Lutheran Reformation was primarily doctrinal, the Anabaptists centered their efforts on what Friedmann terms existential Christianity (30 ff.).
That Anabaptist Christianity was existential was not intended to compare the movement to existentialism but rather to highlight the Anabaptist emphasis on how one acts as a Christian in a practical way. For this reason the Anabaptists were more concerned with right living than with right doctrine (31). As such, any theology would be implicit rather than explicit. However, Friedmann understood Anabaptism to be within the limits of creedal orthodoxy even if they understood the authority for their orthodoxy as having derived from Scripture rather than the early councils.
The other main point of Friedmann’s interpretation is that of setting the Anabaptists within the context of the Reformation. Friedmann saw Anabaptism as a third way (in agreement with George Huntston Williams) to approaching the questions of the day (18). The distinction of the Protestant and Anabaptist ways as reforms against the Catholic Church was between the doctrinal and existential forms of Christianities that each way sought to restore. Friedmann set this interpretation against that of Roland H. Bainton, whose portrayal of Anabaptism as a “left wing” of the Reformation Friedmann frames as the Anabaptists being an extension of the Reformation.
This does not fully capture the nuance of Bainton’s expression of the Reformation was not that there were two ways–Catholic and Protestant, of which Anabaptism was part. Bainton saw each localized attempt at reformation, whether that of Wittenberg, Zurich, Geneva or Canterbury, as unrelated in their geneses. His view was that they were sister movements rather than lineal descendents of a parent movement. Anabaptism, then, whether monogenetic or polygenetic, would not simply be the radical half of the Reformation but rather one way among many ways, each generally localized.[1]
The bulk of the book gives survey to the implicit theology systematically in the traditional categories. Two exceptions are notable. The first is the Anabaptist doctrine of Scripture. Generally an opening chapter to theology, Friedmann gave no full treatment of the Anabaptist use or understanding of the Scripture even though he acknowledged the role of the Bible in the formation of Anabaptist thought. Perhaps Friedmann passed this by due to the relative paucity of resources of this little-investigated area of Anabaptism. Also, the traditional order is reversed when ecclesiology is switched from last with ecclesiology taking the final position. That section, ecclesiology, is given the most space in the book, perhaps reflecting the emphasis of Littell of ecclesiology as the controlling character of the movement.
The systematic section had opened not with prolegomena but rather with the doctrine of the two kingdoms, which he titled the “heart” of Anabaptist theology. This must be compared to existential Christianity. It is not as though existential Christianity as the center of Anabaptist thought competes with the doctrine of the two kingdoms as the heart of Anabaptist theology. Rather, they exist on two levels–the theology, centered on the two kingdoms, behind the primary understanding of faith, which is as existential.
It becomes obvious at several points that Friedmann wrote with an Anabaptist audience in mind. He accepted a near equivocation of Anabaptist faith and practice with that of the apostolic era. For instance, Friedmann wrote that the ban was a third sacrament in the apostolic era and the Anabaptists thus imitated that model in their elevation of the practice of church discipline (144). This might work fine for a Mennonite or a Hutterite audience (Friedmann himself being a Hutterite) but those outside of the Anabaptist community may be thereby provoked to take some of Friedmann’s more idealistic claims with reservation.
For now, Friedmann’s work remains an excellent introduction to the topic. However, as the book nears the 40-year mark, a new project with the same goal but incorporating the wealth of research that has since been done would be of great help to future students of Anabaptism. Alongside Snyder’s Anabaptist History and Theology, Friedmann’s effort will go a long way toward directing the future of study in the movement. Though updates could be made, the power of the book lays in its interpretation of the broader ideas of Anabaptist theology as essentially an existential type of Christianity with an implicit theology that existed not as a radicalization of the Reformation but rather as a different type of Reformation altogether. In this way, The Theology of Anabaptism can continue to serve the discussion of students of the movement attempting to identify an essence, or even if there is an essence, of Anabaptism and trying to understand its place within the Reformation period and beyond.


[1]Bainton spoke of Anabaptism as a “third type” but not as a third after Catholicism and Protestantism but rather after Luther and Zwingli and before a fourth and fifth type found in Calvin and the Spiritualists. The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century enlarged ed. (Boston: Beacon Hill, 1985), 95.

Monday, August 15, 2011

Liturgical Allusion?


I ran across an interesting quote while  reading Robert Friedmann’s Theology of Anabaptism: An Interpretation.[1] It reads: “Wo keine Gemeinschaft ist... da ist auch keine rechte Liebe.”[2] Friedmann provides a translation: “Where there is no community, there is also no genuine love.” In this context, “community (Gemeinschaft)” specifically refers to the faith community.

The sentiment represented in the tract, which comes much later than the earliest period of Anabaptism, is found elsewhere in Anabaptist thought. Andreas Carlstadt, for instance, wrote, “Beggars are a sure indicator that there are no Christians, or else very few dispirited ones, in any town in which beggars are seen.”[3] What is fascinating about this concept, perhaps more strongly in Carlstadt than the quote given by Friedmann, is that for there to be no poor among Christians does not simply mean that there are to be no poor members of any particular Gemeinschaft as would be the case for a Hutterite Bruderhof. There were to have been no poor among the entire community in which a group of true Christians, as a sacred community within the secular community, dwelt.

What caught my attention of the first quote, however, was its particular wording. It is reminiscent of the Latin liturgical phrase, “Ubi caritas est vera, dues ibi est.”[4] Two differences are prominent. First, whereas the Latin speaks in the positive (the presence of true love indicates the presence of God), the German speaks in the negative (the absence of true love indicates the absence of the church). Second, and more importantly, the presence of God is substituted with the presence of the church.  This is wholly conceivable in view of the consideration that Anabaptist saw themselves as the body of Christ, being God, on earth. If indeed the author of the 1560 epistle was purposefully alluding to the liturgy, then this would shed light on the Anabaptist view of their role as God’s representatives as described in 1 Corinthians 5:20-21.

As it goes for now, this is just raising a question that prods me to find a copy of the original article to see if there is any other play on liturgical themes.


[1]Studies in Anabaptist and Mennonite History, No. 15 (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1973).
[2]Robert Friedmann, “An Epistle Concerning Communal Life: A Hutterite Manifesto of 1650,” MQR 34 (1960): 252, quoted in Friedmann, Theology of Anabaptism, 124.
[3]Andreas Bodenstein von Carlstadt, On the Removal of Images and That there Should Be No Beggars Among Christians, in The Essential Carlstadt: Fifteen Tracts by Andreas Bodenstein (Carlstadt), from Karlstadt, trans. and ed. E. J. Furcha (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1995), 120.
[4]“Where love is true (or "Where there is true love"), there God is.”

Monday, August 8, 2011

Review of “Menno Simons,” by John Christian Wenger and “Thomas Muentzer,” by Hans Joachim Hillerbrand, in Reformers in Profile, edited by B. A. Gerrish.

Wenger, John Christian. “Menno Simons.” In Reformers in Profile, ed. B. A. Gerrish, 194-212. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967.



Hillerbrand, Hans Joachim. “Thomas Muentzer.” In Reformers in Profile, ed. Bryan Albert Gerrish, 213-229. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967.



These two short biographical profiles come from an edited collection of profiles of reformers and proto-reformers.  Simons and Müntzer are the representatives of radical form in the collection.

Wenger writes as a long-established authority on Anabaptism, particularly on Marpeck but he also served as editor of the critical edition of the English translation of Simons’ works. This profile, along with that of Müntzer, is among the shortest of the profiles.  The brevity of the profile was not entirely economical. Much of the space was given to outlining a background of the Dutch/North German Anabaptist movement. Wenger also spent much space quoting Simons on a number of doctrinal emphases. This section does illustrate Simons’ as generally representative of the doctrine of the radicals.  This does not illustrate, however, the importance of Simons’ ministry, which was more of his role as an organizer rather than as a theological innovator. There is some mention of Simons having acted in that role, but those details are woven in as a  few extra facts from his biography. Wenger’s profile tried to highlight Simons’ significance but the true mark of that significance was not sufficiently portrayed.

Hillerbrand’s treatment of Müntzer achieved more. A scholar of the Reformation more broadly, Hillerbrand sought to give a more balanced interpretation of an historical figure who has often been the subject of niche interpretations. Though recognizing the radical tendencies of Müntzer, Hillerbrand did not take this tendency as an opportunity to caricature Müntzer as an extremist from the beginning. He allowed that Müntzer’s difference with Luther early on may have been more in degree rather than in kind and that the true radicalism of Müntzer came only after the influence of Carlstadt’s radicalism. Hillerbrand was also careful not to take the socio-economic dimension of Müntzer’s thought as central as had the Marxist interpreters but he still found within Müntzer’s thought an assumed equality of all people within a political community–an equality that would be a prerequisite to further democratic development. This assessment seems fair and at the least provides caution for future interpreters of Müntzer to not  be too rigid in interpretational schemes of Müntzer’s thought, for it is more complex than may have been previously anticipated.

Tuesday, May 31, 2011

Review of Menno Simons' Life and Writings: A Quadricentennial Tribute, 1536-1936, by Harold Stauffer Bender

Bender, Harold Stauffer. Menno Simons' Life and Writings: A Quadricentennial Tribute, 1536-1936. Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1936.


     This is an old little copy that comes out of the nascent period of modern Anabaptist studies. It is illustrative of the strong idealism that was characteristic of that first generation of Anabaptist scholars, especially among Mennonite scholars. This book was written at the popular level and the idealism expressed helps explain why later generation reacted so strongly as to become perhaps too critical of the radical reformers.
     This sometimes comes out laughably, as when Bender explained how Grebel, Mantz and Blaurock founded a "Mennonite" congregation in Zürich in 1525, a decade before Simons left the Catholic church. Such an obvious anachronism does not seem too unreasonable since Bender's purpose was to give the Mennonite church of his day a look at their heritage rather than to give an academic description of Simons' biography. For today's reader, the value of this book may serve as an introduction for others looking at their Mennonite or Anabaptist heritage or those looking to gain a rough understanding of a figure from that period.
     Scholarship on Simons has been more intensive than most, if not all, of the other radical reformers and the material here is undoubtedly dated in places.The second half of the book is excerpts from Simons' writings. They are organized by various doctrinal and practical matters. One misgiving in this section is that there is no reference as to where these samples were excerpted. Beyond that, in the excerpt on the incarnation Simons questions the height of the mystery involved in the event and the impossibility of speculation as a means of discovering the truth of the matter. Choosing this excerpt masks the more definitive statements of Simons that followed Hofmann's Christology. With the later publication of the critical edition of Simons' writings, Simon's positions are more widely available for survey. An identification of the passages in this section would make it much more useful.

Tuesday, May 24, 2011

Review of The German Peasants' War and the Anabaptist Community of Goods, by James Mentzer Stayer


Stayer, James Mentzer. The German Peasants’ War and Anabaptist Community of Goods. McGill-Queen’s Studies in the History of Religion, no. 6. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991.

Stayer’s work is a collection of essays on the two common topics mentioned in the title. Some of the essays had been published earlier but most are new and investigate different portions of the relations of those two topics. As such, the unity of the book is not from a defense of a singular thesis or research purpose but rather in that the essays derive from his interest in the topics and that they all operate from his paradigmatic understanding of the social aspects of the more radical elements of the Reformation period. The two keys of this paradigm that tend to control his view appear to be that the connection between the German Peasants’ War and Anabaptism was greater than previously believed by more conservative scholarship and that the community of goods had greater normativity among Anabaptists than accounts recognized. The crucial link in Stayer’s view is that the Anabaptist community of goods, as a cohering principle in the Anabaptist movement was derived from many of the concerns of the peasants’ revolt.
Stayer went to great lengths to demonstrate that the revolt was the expression of the Reformation in rural lands, especially appropriating Reformation anticlericalism as the peasants strove against clerical landlords and the attendant abuses (35, 43, 60). Since the clergy had a social hold over the peasants and villagers (Stayer pointed out that “peasants’” war is somewhat of a misnomer since the dissenters included many of the artisan class [9, 19]), the Reformation therefore took on a social tone over the theological priorities in the cities and universities. After Luther took the side of the obrigkeit against the peasants, the peasants became disillusioned with the Reformation as well, thus explaining why they had a tendency toward radical elements that would later arise.
Another issue at hand was that of territorial authority versus the autonomy of villages. In the peasants’ revolt, which Stayer regards as less of a war and more of a festive protest that did not turn violent until obrigkeit sought to put it down (21), this took the form of the peasants’ demand for localized control of territorial rights, thus decentralizing the control held by the larger regional cities. Peasants later resonated with the Anabaptist insistence on congregational autonomy as various villages sought to appoint their own pastors rather than accept the appointments of cities like Zurich (62). As some of the more militant radicals taught apocalyptic beliefs that emphasized the punishment of the wicked, i.e. the obrigkeit, his teaching became a recruiting tool that gained the sympathies of he peasants who still held resentment against their landowners (90).
This coincides with Stayer’s statistical findings of the involvement of Anabaptist leadership in the Peasants’ War, a revision of Claus-Peter Clasen’s earlier analysis of the same.[1] Stayer’s analysis revealed a greater involvement among Anabaptist leadership than Clasen had found (ch. 3). This findings would not only apply to the leadership of the movement but probably were true of the movement ranks unless those ranks were composed of groups that inexplicably gravitated to a group of Peasants’ War veterans without those ranks having been involved with the war themselves (91).
The second half of the book concerns itself with several loci of the community of goods–among the Swiss brethren, Müntzer, Münster and among Moravian Hutterites. Stayer’s general purpose was to deny the general ethos of interpretations of Anabaptism that relegate the community of goods as a idiosyncrasy among the Hutterites and fringe practice, like the non-Anabaptist events of Münster. Stayer found a concerted effort to follow Acts 2 and 4 among the Swiss brethren and it is any attempt to follow that model of the early church that Stayer had defined as the practice of the community of goods (9). Müntzer, given weight as a predecessr to the Anabaptists, had anticipations of the community of goods, especially alongside his support for the Peasants’ War. The Münsterite movement, as a genuine Anabaptist movement, also had its participation in the community goods as well as the Moravians. The force of these depictions is to portray the practice of the community of goods as a normative part of Anabaptist identity rather than an irregularity practiced among a few among them.
This second half, however, is more problematic than the first and some of those problems are definitional. For instance, Stayer’s definition of the community of goods as the attempt to follow Acts 2 and 4 is too broad. It allows for one to ignore the distinction between groups whose that practiced the community of goods voluntary and those groups for whom he practice was a requirement of community involvement a necessary indicator of one’s Christian nature. Stayer indeed made too little of this distinction, although shadows of that distinction to come out from time to time as they do in the epilogue, where he speaks of mutual-aid, or “barn-raising,” community of goods against the reflection of Michael Gaismair’s Landesordnung (160, 162). If Stayer’s paradigm rests on the essential commonality of the peasants’ program with the Anabaptist community of goods, then if all attempts to follow the early church model were compulsory the relationship with the peasants’ program would be much more clear. However, since the peasants’ program sought an institutionalized parity rather than a voluntary one, a distinction between compulsory and voluntary practice of the community of goods would weaken the ties since a voluntary practice would have an essential difference from the peasants’ program. It might have been a successful avenue of research to question whether social pressure in groups where the community of goods was voluntary may have led to a de facto community of goods as newcomers may have felt compelled to participate as a social norm within the group even though the practice may not have been institutionalized.
Another point of contention is Stayer’s identification of the Münster episode of 1535 as genuinely Anabaptist (123). This would be an objectionable label to most conservative scholars of the movement. Stayer attempted to show that Münster was not a city that had been overcome by Dutch outsiders, who high jacked the city’s leadership but rather that it was a city whose Anabaptist contingent rose to power under the influence of those Dutch prophets and retained a great deal of its authority throughout the entire siege. The power was never fully in the hands of the foreigners. Be that as it may, Stayer’s record of leadership merely shifts the problem one step so that it was not the city that had been overcome by the Dutch but rather the city’s pre-existent Anabaptist movement that had been taken over by the Dutch. Further, when Stayer mentioned off hand that Sebastian Franck was not an Anabaptist (132), which raises the perennially frustrating question of the categories into which different people and movements fit. Why are the Münsterites in this case Anabaptists while Franck is not? If there is no consensus to say that the Münsterites were genuine Anabaptists it takes away from Stayer’s case that the community of goods was a significant part of Anabaptist identity.
An interest item was raised in Stayer’s work that would apparently demand further question. Stayer mentioned that Hübmaier had baptized nearly the whole adult population of Waldshut (64) and repeated the testimony of Hans Schlaffer that Hübmaier’s Nikolsburg baptisms were “perfunctory mass affairs that gave little evidence of individual regeneration” (140). Stayer went on to call Hübmaier’s brand of Anabaptism a “magisterial Anabaptism.” This follows Stayer’s generally positive acceptance of Snyder’s work, which includes the thesis that the Anabaptism of the Unterland was of a more state-church variety.[2]
Stayer’s work will likely be hard to challenge considering the depth of his research into the literature on the Peasants’ War, a field generally not as well known among Anabaptist scholars. This is especially true of new students in conservative circles, for whom the Peasants’ War can seem a shadowy subject, its relationship to Anabaptism being obscured, if not denied. However, the significance of his findings remains up to debate. While Stayer’s work cannot allow for an underestimation of the place of the community of goods in Anabaptist practice, that practice must neither be overestimated.


[1]“Anabaptist Leaders: Their Numbers and Background; Switzerland, Austria, South and Central Germany, 1525-1618,” MQR 49, no. 2 (Apr. 1975): 122-164.
[2]C. Arnold Snyder, The Life and Thought of Michael Sattler, Studies in Anabaptist and Mennonite History, no. 27 (Scottsdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1984).