Saturday, August 20, 2011

Review of The Theology of Anabaptism: An Interpretation, by Robert Friedmann


Friedmann, Robert. The Theology of Anabaptism: An Interpretation. Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1973.

Friedmann’s Theology of Anabaptism is a guide toward what he admits is a seeming oxymoron–Anabaptist Theology. The heart of the interpretation he presents is that Anabaptist theology is an implicit theology, unlike the explicit theology of the Protestant Reformers (21). Whereas the Lutheran Reformation was primarily doctrinal, the Anabaptists centered their efforts on what Friedmann terms existential Christianity (30 ff.).
That Anabaptist Christianity was existential was not intended to compare the movement to existentialism but rather to highlight the Anabaptist emphasis on how one acts as a Christian in a practical way. For this reason the Anabaptists were more concerned with right living than with right doctrine (31). As such, any theology would be implicit rather than explicit. However, Friedmann understood Anabaptism to be within the limits of creedal orthodoxy even if they understood the authority for their orthodoxy as having derived from Scripture rather than the early councils.
The other main point of Friedmann’s interpretation is that of setting the Anabaptists within the context of the Reformation. Friedmann saw Anabaptism as a third way (in agreement with George Huntston Williams) to approaching the questions of the day (18). The distinction of the Protestant and Anabaptist ways as reforms against the Catholic Church was between the doctrinal and existential forms of Christianities that each way sought to restore. Friedmann set this interpretation against that of Roland H. Bainton, whose portrayal of Anabaptism as a “left wing” of the Reformation Friedmann frames as the Anabaptists being an extension of the Reformation.
This does not fully capture the nuance of Bainton’s expression of the Reformation was not that there were two ways–Catholic and Protestant, of which Anabaptism was part. Bainton saw each localized attempt at reformation, whether that of Wittenberg, Zurich, Geneva or Canterbury, as unrelated in their geneses. His view was that they were sister movements rather than lineal descendents of a parent movement. Anabaptism, then, whether monogenetic or polygenetic, would not simply be the radical half of the Reformation but rather one way among many ways, each generally localized.[1]
The bulk of the book gives survey to the implicit theology systematically in the traditional categories. Two exceptions are notable. The first is the Anabaptist doctrine of Scripture. Generally an opening chapter to theology, Friedmann gave no full treatment of the Anabaptist use or understanding of the Scripture even though he acknowledged the role of the Bible in the formation of Anabaptist thought. Perhaps Friedmann passed this by due to the relative paucity of resources of this little-investigated area of Anabaptism. Also, the traditional order is reversed when ecclesiology is switched from last with ecclesiology taking the final position. That section, ecclesiology, is given the most space in the book, perhaps reflecting the emphasis of Littell of ecclesiology as the controlling character of the movement.
The systematic section had opened not with prolegomena but rather with the doctrine of the two kingdoms, which he titled the “heart” of Anabaptist theology. This must be compared to existential Christianity. It is not as though existential Christianity as the center of Anabaptist thought competes with the doctrine of the two kingdoms as the heart of Anabaptist theology. Rather, they exist on two levels–the theology, centered on the two kingdoms, behind the primary understanding of faith, which is as existential.
It becomes obvious at several points that Friedmann wrote with an Anabaptist audience in mind. He accepted a near equivocation of Anabaptist faith and practice with that of the apostolic era. For instance, Friedmann wrote that the ban was a third sacrament in the apostolic era and the Anabaptists thus imitated that model in their elevation of the practice of church discipline (144). This might work fine for a Mennonite or a Hutterite audience (Friedmann himself being a Hutterite) but those outside of the Anabaptist community may be thereby provoked to take some of Friedmann’s more idealistic claims with reservation.
For now, Friedmann’s work remains an excellent introduction to the topic. However, as the book nears the 40-year mark, a new project with the same goal but incorporating the wealth of research that has since been done would be of great help to future students of Anabaptism. Alongside Snyder’s Anabaptist History and Theology, Friedmann’s effort will go a long way toward directing the future of study in the movement. Though updates could be made, the power of the book lays in its interpretation of the broader ideas of Anabaptist theology as essentially an existential type of Christianity with an implicit theology that existed not as a radicalization of the Reformation but rather as a different type of Reformation altogether. In this way, The Theology of Anabaptism can continue to serve the discussion of students of the movement attempting to identify an essence, or even if there is an essence, of Anabaptism and trying to understand its place within the Reformation period and beyond.


[1]Bainton spoke of Anabaptism as a “third type” but not as a third after Catholicism and Protestantism but rather after Luther and Zwingli and before a fourth and fifth type found in Calvin and the Spiritualists. The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century enlarged ed. (Boston: Beacon Hill, 1985), 95.

Monday, August 15, 2011

Liturgical Allusion?


I ran across an interesting quote while  reading Robert Friedmann’s Theology of Anabaptism: An Interpretation.[1] It reads: “Wo keine Gemeinschaft ist... da ist auch keine rechte Liebe.”[2] Friedmann provides a translation: “Where there is no community, there is also no genuine love.” In this context, “community (Gemeinschaft)” specifically refers to the faith community.

The sentiment represented in the tract, which comes much later than the earliest period of Anabaptism, is found elsewhere in Anabaptist thought. Andreas Carlstadt, for instance, wrote, “Beggars are a sure indicator that there are no Christians, or else very few dispirited ones, in any town in which beggars are seen.”[3] What is fascinating about this concept, perhaps more strongly in Carlstadt than the quote given by Friedmann, is that for there to be no poor among Christians does not simply mean that there are to be no poor members of any particular Gemeinschaft as would be the case for a Hutterite Bruderhof. There were to have been no poor among the entire community in which a group of true Christians, as a sacred community within the secular community, dwelt.

What caught my attention of the first quote, however, was its particular wording. It is reminiscent of the Latin liturgical phrase, “Ubi caritas est vera, dues ibi est.”[4] Two differences are prominent. First, whereas the Latin speaks in the positive (the presence of true love indicates the presence of God), the German speaks in the negative (the absence of true love indicates the absence of the church). Second, and more importantly, the presence of God is substituted with the presence of the church.  This is wholly conceivable in view of the consideration that Anabaptist saw themselves as the body of Christ, being God, on earth. If indeed the author of the 1560 epistle was purposefully alluding to the liturgy, then this would shed light on the Anabaptist view of their role as God’s representatives as described in 1 Corinthians 5:20-21.

As it goes for now, this is just raising a question that prods me to find a copy of the original article to see if there is any other play on liturgical themes.


[1]Studies in Anabaptist and Mennonite History, No. 15 (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1973).
[2]Robert Friedmann, “An Epistle Concerning Communal Life: A Hutterite Manifesto of 1650,” MQR 34 (1960): 252, quoted in Friedmann, Theology of Anabaptism, 124.
[3]Andreas Bodenstein von Carlstadt, On the Removal of Images and That there Should Be No Beggars Among Christians, in The Essential Carlstadt: Fifteen Tracts by Andreas Bodenstein (Carlstadt), from Karlstadt, trans. and ed. E. J. Furcha (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1995), 120.
[4]“Where love is true (or "Where there is true love"), there God is.”

Monday, August 8, 2011

Review of “Menno Simons,” by John Christian Wenger and “Thomas Muentzer,” by Hans Joachim Hillerbrand, in Reformers in Profile, edited by B. A. Gerrish.

Wenger, John Christian. “Menno Simons.” In Reformers in Profile, ed. B. A. Gerrish, 194-212. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967.



Hillerbrand, Hans Joachim. “Thomas Muentzer.” In Reformers in Profile, ed. Bryan Albert Gerrish, 213-229. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967.



These two short biographical profiles come from an edited collection of profiles of reformers and proto-reformers.  Simons and Müntzer are the representatives of radical form in the collection.

Wenger writes as a long-established authority on Anabaptism, particularly on Marpeck but he also served as editor of the critical edition of the English translation of Simons’ works. This profile, along with that of Müntzer, is among the shortest of the profiles.  The brevity of the profile was not entirely economical. Much of the space was given to outlining a background of the Dutch/North German Anabaptist movement. Wenger also spent much space quoting Simons on a number of doctrinal emphases. This section does illustrate Simons’ as generally representative of the doctrine of the radicals.  This does not illustrate, however, the importance of Simons’ ministry, which was more of his role as an organizer rather than as a theological innovator. There is some mention of Simons having acted in that role, but those details are woven in as a  few extra facts from his biography. Wenger’s profile tried to highlight Simons’ significance but the true mark of that significance was not sufficiently portrayed.

Hillerbrand’s treatment of Müntzer achieved more. A scholar of the Reformation more broadly, Hillerbrand sought to give a more balanced interpretation of an historical figure who has often been the subject of niche interpretations. Though recognizing the radical tendencies of Müntzer, Hillerbrand did not take this tendency as an opportunity to caricature Müntzer as an extremist from the beginning. He allowed that Müntzer’s difference with Luther early on may have been more in degree rather than in kind and that the true radicalism of Müntzer came only after the influence of Carlstadt’s radicalism. Hillerbrand was also careful not to take the socio-economic dimension of Müntzer’s thought as central as had the Marxist interpreters but he still found within Müntzer’s thought an assumed equality of all people within a political community–an equality that would be a prerequisite to further democratic development. This assessment seems fair and at the least provides caution for future interpreters of Müntzer to not  be too rigid in interpretational schemes of Müntzer’s thought, for it is more complex than may have been previously anticipated.