Saturday, October 29, 2011

Zwingli’s Early Anabaptist Convictions: History or Mythology?


“Zwingli’s Early Anabaptist Convictions: History or Mythology?” - Brian Brewer, Truett Theological Seminary

Dr. Brewer’s paper addressed a concern that, though well known in Anabaptist research circles, remains to be ignored generally in broader historical circles. The traditional historiography has been that Zwingli’s position remained constant and he was a cooler head offering the Reformed position against the radicals who would eventually break from the civic reform. Brewer’s thesis was that historians have failed to research further into Zwingli’s nascent baptismal theology. In the same vein, they ignore Anabaptist accounts of Zwingli’s perspective.
            The Hutterite Chronicle gives an account from the Anabaptist perspective that reveals that the radicals of the Grebel circle felt as though they had been mislead by their former teacher. Their perception was that Zwingli agreed with them early on in their position against paedobaptism. However, Zwingli did not pursue the course of reforming the church in regards to that sacrament but yielded to the social concern of not fomenting civil unrest.
            The question must be raised of whether the Hutterite Chronicle accurately portrays Zwingli’s early baptismal theology. Other sources must be called into consideration. There were two Tuesday meetings held with the Grebel circle concerning the question of Baptism the December before the January 1525 rebaptisms in the house of Felix Mantz. Clearly by this time Zwingli and the radicals had parted ways.
            Earlier, Mantz had demanded that written arguments be made so that there would be no confusion over the positions held by each party. The usual perception of this fact was that Mantz was calling up for a debate but other testimony from Mantz suggests a different motivation. Mantz said that he “knew full well” that Zwingli believed that baptism should be an ordinance reserved only for those who could confess faith. At another place, he says, “I am sure” that Zwingli shared their understanding but he could not figure out why Zwingli would not openly express that shared understanding. That being the case, it would then seem that Mantz called upon Zwingli to commit his ideas to paper not so that they may serve as a source of debate but rather so that they could have a record in writing that Zwingli had actually rejected paedobaptism, even if he was reticent to admit it.
            In the case of Hübmaier, as is well known, there is the account of a conversation during which he and Zwingli discussed baptism. Hübmaier pointed toward specific, such as  the exact place, date and who else was there as testimony that he was not incorrectly remembering that Zwingli had doubted paedobaptism. Though these testimonies certainly indicate that Zwingli had doubted infant baptism, it must be assented that these come from the pens of those whose own position would benefit from the claim. Can we find evidence of that same doubt in Zwingli’s nascent baptismal theology?
            In an early sermon, Zwingli indicated that parents in Zürich had already begun to withhold their children from baptism. To them he gave in that sermon the assurance that without baptism they need not fear that their children be damned. Also, Zwingli’s January 1523 67 Theses ended with a final thesis indicating other issues that were intended to become part of the later development of his reform program. Included in this were the tithe and the issue of baptism, on which he called anyone curious to come speak to him privately. This indicates that a reform of baptism was an issue he intended to address as the reformation progressed and also that he was not yet ready to make his still tenuous stance publicly known. The change on the issue of baptism did not come until later and he would then state, “I myself was deceived,” but he claimed to have not been as dogmatic as those who would later institute credobaptism.
            What then was the cause for Zwingli to abandon the inklings of anti-paedobaptism in favor of a staunch paedobaptism position? Brewer suggested that soon after the Spring of 1523, during which the last sign of anti-paedobaptism is evident by the conversation with Hübmaier, came an outbreak of iconoclasm. The iconoclastic controversy had a significant effect, which was that Zwingli was forced to reconsider the pace of the reforms he was instituting. The same effect motivated the town council, who would in response call for slower reforms. The radical’s break with Zwingli, in contrast with the traditional historiography, was not because he wouldn’t change his baptismal position but precisely because he did.
Brewer’s provided an excellent narrative for understanding the events and the evidence for Zwingli’s positions at various points of time. He is successful in defending the thesis that the break between Zwingli and the Grebel group was not because the latter could not convince to Zwingli to come to their position but rather because Zwingli had given in to the exigencies of the situation and to the council’s demands by having gone back on the trajectory on which his earlier theology ran.
Some questions remain, however. The first is that Brewer assigned the iconoclastic controversy the role of catalyst in shifting Zwingli’s baptismal theology back in line with the received tradition. Is that event the event that sparked Zwingli’s change? That event was only the first significant event between the Spring of 1523 and the Autumn of 1524 that could have been such a catalyst. Two possibilities remain. In that period of almost a year and a half, there could have been other events that could have redirected Zwingli’s theology. Also, the span of time is long enough to credit the change to further theological reflection not guided by any identifiable event.
Second, if the outbreak of iconoclasm and the resulting desire for slower reforms a sufficient explanation for the change in Zwingli’s position. According to Brewer’s narrative, that controversy led to the call for slower reforms but the break with the Grebel circle was not over the speed by which reforms would be instituted but rather the content of those reforms. The Grebel circle was not merely impatient in waiting for Zwingli to change baptismal practice but they recognized that Zwingli opposed any change of baptismal practice at any pace. So, while Brewer’s presentation answers the question of why Zwingli would have reconsidered the timing of baptismal reform, it did not answer why he changed his position altogether.

Friday, October 28, 2011

Erasmus and Bucer on the Radical Reformation


“Erasmus and Bucer on the Radical Reformation.” - Laurel Carrington, St. Olaf College

Carrington’s paper essentially compares the differences between Erasmus’ and Bucer’s attitudes toward the radicals. Erasmus had expressed disappointment with the variance in the handling of heretics by those who followed him. Though Bucer and the general attitude of the Strassbourg reformation that was more lenient toward heretics, Erasmus was unwilling to deny the tradition of executing heretics.
The radicals were fissiparous and thus unsettling to society. So, capital punishment seemed appropriate to Erasmus. Bucer, in contrast, recognized that the radicals were in heresy but they did not commit any grievous sins warranting civil punishment. Further, they, like the mainstream reformers, sought Scripture as the source of their theology. While the radicals may have been mistaken in their reading of Scripture, they were open to being rebuked by Scripture and were not obstinate against it.
Erasmus did not find any scriptural prohibition of executing heretics. However, though he refused to be as lenient as Bucer by preferring exile to execution, Erasmus conceded that rulers must not be too hasty in handing down verdicts resulting in the sentence of execution. Regardless, the right of the radicals were limited for having separating themselves from the church. They, along with any other heretics, did not have the Spirit, whose home is among the unity and concord of the church. Having thus defined the radicals to be outside of the Christian society, Erasmus did not seem to have strongly insisted that they were fully worthy of preservation.

New Perspectives in Bucer’s Attitudes towards the Radicals


Disclaimer: Any inaccuracies in the following report are due to the nature of presenting papers. Below is represents with the greatest attempt for accuracy but there is not text available for review. Points of uncertainty in the author’s ideas will be evident in how I represent them.

“New Perspectives in Bucer’s Attitudes towards the Radicals.” - Stephen Buckwalter, Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaft

            Stephen Buckwalter’s presentation began with an overview of editorial concerns of involved with the new critical edition of Bucer’s works. In regards to Bucer’s polemic against the Anabaptists, He addressed matters of layout with the works against Pilgram Marpeck, the Marburg Anabaptists and Bernhard Rothmann. The original publication against Marpeck’s Confession was laid out by having two columns. The layout placed Marpeck’s points, to which Bucer added numbers, next Bucer’s replies to each point. The previous critical edition to the new laid the whole exchange in one column, Marpeck’s articles being followed by Bucer’s reply. The trouble with this was that it at times made it difficult to tell who was author at any single point. The new edition sought to revert back to the original two-columned layout in order to preserve coherency.
            The polemic against the Marburg Anabaptists differed in that it was not an imaginary dialogue in the traditional way that the polemic against Marpeck had been. Rather, it was a reflection of actual dialogues that had taken place. This was also a point-by-point response, but the origin of this as a true dialogue required a one-columned format, for the debate had actually occurred in time. The polemic against Rothmann was not point-by-point, so the question did not arise.
Following the discussion of these editorial concerns, Buckwalter investigated similarities and differences between Bucer and the radicals, primarily Marpeck. Both had a high view of a singular covenant, Marpeck using the term bundt Thirty-three times in his confession and Bucer replying with twenty-two instances. For Marpeck, the bundt was of a good conscience toward God while Bucer’s emphasis was on the unity of the covenant through both Testaments as the covenant with Abraham.
The central theological departure that they made form each other was on the intersection of civic and ecclesial life. Bucer insisted on the external structure of the church as an institution with civil support. Marpeck, on the other hand, viewed the church as an invisible reality. The church was not merely a civic community’s religious life but further a gathering of those committed to discipleship.

Thursday, October 27, 2011

Knowing God through Dreams: Thomas Muentzer on Dream Revelations


“Knowing God through Dreams: Thomas Muentzer on Dream Revelations.” - Michael G. Baylor, Lehigh University

            Dreams were a usual component of literature in the reformation, but for Thomas Müntzer, dreams were not a way to progress a narrative. Baylor’s thesis was that, for Müntzer, dreams were an important path to knowledge of God. This can be seen in his sermon to the princes and his commentary on Ezekiel (he may have said, “Daniel”). Dreams were not only a part of the everyday phenomena of life but were part of spiritual activity. Some indeed were normal, but others were of God while yet others were of Satan.
For Müntzer, for one to have revelatory dreams, one must be in the right state of heart. For one to know that a dream is revelatory, it must meet certain criteria. The criteria included that the Christian must be separated in mind and heart from all temporality in accordance with the doctrine of gelassenheit. Further, the dream must be full of allegorical imagery. That imagery would in turn be interpreted by Scripture, which would act as a key to unlocking the meaning of the allegorical imagery. Another criterion was that the dream must be vividly remembered as opposed to the phantasmal transience most dreams have in the memory.

The Spirit of the Prophets: Ludwig Haetzer on Scripture and the Voice of the Spirit


Disclaimer: Any inaccuracies in the following report are due to the nature of presenting papers. Below is represents with the greatest attempt for accuracy but there is not text available for review. Points of uncertainty in the author’s ideas will be evident in how I represent them.

“The Spirit of the Prophets: Ludwig Haetzer on Scripture and the Voice of the Spirit.” - Geoffrey Dipple, Augustana College

Dipple’s paper sought to answer several questions concerning the development of Ludwig Hätzer’s thought. He observed that Hätzer’s earliest theology reflected the Biblicism of Zürich but later moved toward the Spiritualist theology for which he is known. The main period of development was from 1523 to late 1527, shortly following the publication of his and Denck’s translation of the Old Testament from Hebrew.
            An early emphasis in Hätzer’s activity was the matter of God’s forbidding of graven imagery. In the controversy over whether images could be allowed in the church, Hätzer’s polemic intentionally sought a scriptural foundation Further, the strong body/spirit dichotomy that was characteristics of the Spiritualists was not evident. Despite this attempt to firmly ground this early polemic on Scripture, Hätzer gradually manifested a greater reliance on direct revelation from God than on revelation mediated through Scripture.
            What then was the impetus for this move? Dipple pointed toward Hätzer’s stay in Auspitz, during which he would come under the influence of Karlstadt. Karlstadt had also entered into controversy against the evangelical reformers on the matter of imagery in the church. I believe Dipple was making the point that both Hätzer and to a lesser degree Karlstadt utilized Spiritualistic arguments as an additional resource to the scriptural arguments, for Scripture served as a resource to both the evangelicals and the radicals.
            More evident was the influence of Karlstadt’s doctrine of gelassenheit. That yieldedness was formulated as a spiritual type of discipleship. The direct spirituality of gelassenheit would extend into Hätzer’s doctrinal formulations, both in respect to revelation and to the sacraments. An essential resource for identifying Hätzer’s concept of the spirit is his translation of the Hebrew ruach. Hätzer’s translation of the word in the varying instances displayed a greater complexity than previous translations.

Thursday, October 20, 2011

Sixteenth-Century Society and Conference


The Sixteenth Century Society and Conference is coming to Fort Worth, Texas from Thu. Oct. 27 to Sun. Oct. 30. There will be a few papers on the Radical Reformation presented. So, for those unable to pay the $93 cover charge or unable to travel to dear old Ft. Worth, I will be giving updates on primary theses & arguments of these papers.

The panels I intend on attending with the relevant papers to be read in those panels will follow, although my participation may change. Also, I may not be present on Sunday if I can get tickets to the game in Houston, who will be playing my hometown team even if all I can bring for them is a misplaced hope.

Thursday 1:30-3:00
Paths to Knowing God in the Reformation
“The Spirit of the Prophets: Ludwig Haetzer on Scripture and the Voice of the Spirit.” - Geoffrey Dipple, Augustana College
“Knowing God through Dreams: Thomas Muentzer on Dream Revelations.” - Michael G. Baylor, Lehigh University

Thursday 3:30-5:00, I will attend one of these three panels
Rereading Critical Reformation Texts: Luther, Calvin, and Tyndale
Forgotten Reformer and Their (Almost) Forgotten Texts
Editing Martin Bucer, Then and Now

Thursday 6:30-7:30
Society for Reformation Research Roundtable: Holy Lands/Sacral Places/ Sacred Spaces in the Early Modern Period

Friday 8:30-10:00, I will attend either
In Memoriam Robert Kingdon: Criminality and Calvinism in Geneva and France
Protestant Perspectives on Prophecy in Sixteenth-Century Europe
or perhaps sneak over for one paper titled, “Suffering as Consolation: Thomas Müntzer, Martin Luther, and the Truth Crisis of the Early Reformation.” Vince Evener, University of Chicago Divinity School

Friday 10:30-12:00
Martin Bucer and the Radicals
“New Perspectives in Bucer’s Attitudes towards the Radicals.” - Stephen Buckwalter, Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaft
“Erasmus and Bucer on the Radical Reformation.” - Laurel Carrington, St. Olaf College
“A Most Faulty Theologian: Spiritualism and Reform in the Careers of Bucer and Franck.” - Patrick Hayden-Roy, Nebraska Wesleyan University

Friday 1:30-3:00, one of these
The Implementation of Social & Religious Reform in Early Modern Europe
Early Modern Ecclesiologies
New Approaches to the Scandinavian Reformations
Defining Tradition: Early Modern Conceptions of Tradition

Friday 3:30-5:00
Radical Theologies from Different Perspectives
“Zwingli’s Early Anabaptist Convictions: History or Mythology?” - Brian Brewer, Truett Theological Seminary
“Preaching the ‘Gospel of All Creatures’: The Radical Christology of Hans Hut.” - Marvin Anderson, University of Toronto
and I’ll have to see if I can in some way access a presentation at another panel, “Philip Melanchthon and the ‘Raving Anabaptists’: The End of Moderation.” - Rebecca Peterson, University of Mary Hardin-Baylor

Friday 6:00-7:00
“Contending with Idols: Reformation, Revolutions, Miracles, and the Disenchantment of History.” - Carlos Eire, Yale University

Saturday 8:30-10:00 either
Tales of Turning: Conversion Narratives in Early Modern England
Promise and Fulfillment in Reformed Theology
Forms of English Theology in the Early Modern Period

Saturday 10:30-12:00
Christian Life in Light of Scripture: Luther and Lutheran Perspectives

Saturday 1:30-3:00
Protestant Non-Conformity and Dissent
“Dissenting across Borders: The Development of a Transnational ‘Mennonite’ Identity among Swiss Brethren and Dutch Doopsgezinden in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.” - Troy Osborne, Bluffton University

Saturday 3:30-5:00 either
Uses of the Fathers in Early Modern Theologies
Luther in Conversation with Other Thinkers and Churches
In Memoriam Robert Kingdon: Marriage in the Reformation

So, we’ll see which ones of these I’ll make it to and I will try to post updates as they come along.

Friday, September 30, 2011

Recent Trends in Anabaptist Scholarship


This post is a descriptive update to Troy Osborne’s 2007 article and John Roth’s 2002 article on recent trends in Anabaptist studies.1 There have been several threads in Anabaptist scholarship that have recently received heightened attention. Most notable is the volume of work being dedicated to two Anabaptist figures: Balthasar Hübmaier and Pilgram Marpeck.

The swell in Hübmaier scholarship is perhaps largely due to a continued byproduct of the 1989 publication of a new translation of the Hübmaier corpus.2 Also, recent interest has come from Baptists, finding a predecessor to their own confessional stance in Hübmaier more than in other Reformation theologians. Since 1999, 10 doctoral dissertations have been written on Hübmaier. 3 Furthermore, in the editorial preface to the January 2010 edition of the Mennonite Quarterly Review, Roth noted that Hübmaier’s full impact on the Anabaptist movement merited further investigation after years of Hübmaier studies having been marginalized by Mennonite scholarship. The bulk of that edition contained articles on Hübmaier. 4

The recent attention paid to Marpeck has, I believe, two points of origin. One has been the significant biography by Klaassen and Klassen. 5 The other has been the publication of new sources on Marpeck and his “circle.”6 This has resulted in a conference on “Anabaptist Convictions after Marpeck” at Bluffton University, June 25-28, 2009 and an issue of the Mennonite Quarterly Review being dedicated to Marpeck studies in January 2011.

Another trend is the study of the use of patristic literature among the Anabaptists. Much of the came to the fore in a 2005 issue of Mennonite Life, 7 but some groundwork had been laid before. 8 Other works have continued this investigation, 9 especially that of Andrew P. Klager,10 and further work will likely come out of this.

This leaves open certain questions that remain to be made, including more specifically which authors used patristic sources and in what situations. Were Anabaptists more likely to include patristic citations in debate with opponents for who the fathers held authority? Did they appeal to the fathers when writing pastorally to their congregations?

1Troy Osborne. “New Directions in Anabaptist Studies,” MQR 81, no. 1 (Jan. 2007): 43-47.; John D. Roth, “Recent Currents in the Historiography of the Radical Reformation,” Church History 71 (Sep. 2002): 527-529. Osborne includes the proscriptive call for a new generation of confessional Anabaptist scholars to approach the subject in keeping with the concept of an Anabaptist vision, however recognizing the complexities introduced by the polygenetic model.
2H. Wayne Pipkin and John Howard Yoder, eds., Balthasar Hubmaier: Theologian of Anabaptism, Classics of the Radical Reformation, no. 5 (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 1989).
3In chronological order: Emir Caner, “Truth is Unkillable: The Life and Writings of Balthasar Hubmaier, Theologian to the Anabaptists,” Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Arlington, 1999.; Michael Wayne McDill, “The Centrality of the Doctrine of Human Free Will in the Theology of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss., Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2001.; Samuel Byung-doo Nam, “A Comparative Study of the Baptismal Understanding of Augustine, Luther, Zwingli, and Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss. Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2002.; Brian C. Brewer, “A Response to Grace: The Sacramental Theology of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss, Drew University, 2003.; Ernst Theodor Endres, “The View of Balthasar Hubmaier of the Church: A Church-Historical Perspective,” D.D. diss., University of Pretoria, 2003.; Kirk R. MacGregor, “The Sacramental Theology of Balthasar Hubmaier and Its Implications for Theology,” Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 2005.; Darren T. Williamson, “Erasmus of Rotterdam’s Influence upon Anabaptism: The Case of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Ph.D. diss., Simon Fraser University, 2005.; Brian David Raymond Cooper, “Human Reason or Reasonable Humanity?: Baltasar Hubmaier, Pilgram Marpeck, and Menno Simons and the Catholic Natural Law Tradition,” Ph.D. diss., University of St. Michael’s College, 2006.; Antonia Lucic Gonzalez, “Balthasar Hubmaier and Early Christian Tradition.” Ph.D. diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, 2008.; Andrew P. Klager, “‘Truth Is Immortal’: Balthasar Hubmaier (c. 1480-1528) and the Church Fathers,” Ph.D. diss, University of Glasgow, 2010.
4The articles were Andrew P. Klager, “Balthasar Hubmaier's Use of the Church Fathers: Availability, Access and Interaction,” 5-65.; Matthew Eaton, “Toward an Anabaptist Covenantal Soteriology: A Dialogue with Balthasar Hubmaier and Contemporary Pauline Scholarship,” 67-93.; Brian C. Brewer, “Radicalizing Luther: How Balthasar Hubmaier (Mis)Read the ‘Father of the Reformation,’” 95-115.; Jonathan R. Seilig, “Johann Fabri's Justification Concerning the Execution of Balthasar Hubmaier,” 117-139.; Kirk R. MacGregor, “Hubmaier's Letter Johannes Sapidus,” 141-146.
Other recent works in this swell: Emir Caner, “Balthasar Hübmaier and His Theological Participation in the Reformation: Ecclesiology and Soteriology,” Faith and Mission 21, no. 1 (Fall 2003): 32-66.; David Funk, “The Relation of Church and State in the Thought of Balthasar Hubmaier,” Didaskalia 17, no. 2 (Wtr. 2006): 37-50.; Andrew P. Klager, “Balthasar Hubmaier and the Authority of the Church Fathers,” Historical Papers 2008: Canadian Society of Church History: Annual Conference, University of British Columbia, 1-3 Jun 2008, 18 (2008).; Kirk R. MacGregor, “Hubmaier’s Concord of Predestination with Free Will,” Direction 35, no. 2 (Fall 2006): 279-299.; Wayne H. Pipkin, Scholar, Pastor, Martyr: The Life and Ministry of Balthasar Hubmaier (Prague: International Baptist Theological Seminary of the European Baptist Federation, 2008).; Martin Rothkegel, “Von der Schönen Madonna zum Scheiterhaufen: Gedenkrede auf Balthasar Hubmaer, Verbrannt am 10 März 1528 in Wien,” Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Österreich 120 (2004): 49-73.; Kurt J. Thompson, “The Proper Candidate: An Examination of the 1525 Debate between Ulrich Zwingli and Balthasar Hubmaier concerning Baptism,” M.A. Thesis, Liberty University, 2009.; Jean Marcel Vincent,  “Présentation et traduction du premier écrit anabaptiste: Un Résumé de ce qu’est toute une vie chrétienne (1525) de Balthasar Hubmaier,” Études Théologiques et Religieuses 79, no. 1 (2004): 1-18.
5Walter Klaassen and William Klassen. Marpeck: A Life of Dissent and Conformity (Scottdale, Pennsylvania: Herald, 2008).
6Walter, Klaassen, Werner O. Packull and John Rempel, transls. Later Writings by Pilgram Marpeck and His Circle, Vol. 1. Anabaptist Texts in Translation, Vol. 1 (Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora, 1999).; Heinhold Fast, Gottfried Seebaß and Martin Rothkegel eds. Briefe und Schriften oberdeutscher Täufer, 152701555: Das “Kunstbuch” des Jörg Probst Rotenfelder gen. Maler. (Gütersloh, Germany: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2007), and its English translation: John Rempel ed. Jörg Maler’s Kunstbuch: Writings of the Pilgram Marpeck Circle, Classics of the Radical Reformation, Vol. 12 (Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora, 2010).
7Mennonite Life 60 (Sep. 2005). Articles included B. Royale Dewey, “Making Peace with History: Anabaptism and the Nicene Creed.”; Gerald J. Mast, “Creedal Orthodoxy Is Not Enough: A Response to Ollenburger.”; Ben Ollenburger, “True Evangelical Faith: The Anabaptists and Christian Confession.”; J. Denny Weaver, “Identifying Anabaptist Theology.”
8Irvin Buckwalter Horst, “Menno Simons and the Augustinian Tradition,” MQR 62, no. 4 (Oct. 1988): 419-430. Karl Koop, Anabaptist-Mennonite Confessions of Faith: The Development of a Tradition (Kitchener, Ontario: Pandora, 2003).; Dennis D. Martin, “Menno and Augustine on the Body of Christ,” Fides et Historia 20 (Oct. 1988):41-64. A. James Reimer, “Trinitarian Orthodoxy, Constantinianism and Theology from a Radical Protestant Perspective,” In Faith to Creed, ed. S. Mark Heim (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1991).
9Andy Alexis-Baker, “Anabaptist Use of Patristic Literature and Creeds,” MQR 85, no.3 (July 2011): 477-504.; Geoffrey Dipple, “Just as in the Time of the Apostles”: Uses of History in the Radical Reformation, Kithcener, Ontario: Pandora, 2005.; Antonia Lučić Gonzalez, “Balthasar Hubmaier and Early Christian Tradition,” Ph.D. diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, 2008.
10“Balthasar Hubmaier and the Authority of the Church Fathers,” Historical Papers 2008: Canadian Society of Church History: Annual Conference, University of British Columbia, 1-3 Jun 2008, 18 (2008).; St. Gregory of Nyssa, Anabaptism and the Creeds,” Conrad Grebel Review 26 (Fall 2008): 42-71.; “‘Truth Is Immortal’: Balthasar Hubmaier (c. 1480-1528) and the Church Fathers.” Ph.D. diss, University of Glasgow, 2010.; “Balthasar Hubmaier's Use of the Church Fathers: Availability, Access and Interaction,” MQR 84, no. 1 (Jan. 2010): 5-65.